Friday, January 21, 2011

Sales Report for Governor of Goat Hill

   I'm frequently asked how many copies of "The Governor of Goat Hill" that I've sold. On Thursday, I'm giving a talk to the Friends of the Mobile Public Library, and have decided, as my topic, to discuss the travails of self-publishing. As part of my preparation for the talk, I finally tallied the sales.
      As of today, the number is 2,505.
      Of that, I've personally sold 1,072 copies.
      Another 700 have been sold by retail outlets that purchased the books from me.
      The publisher (self-publishing company, I-Universe) has reported 737 sales, current through the end of November. That includes books sold through Amazon.Com, and booksellers, such as Barnes & Nobles, who purchased the books from the publisher.
        A negligible additional few "e-book" versions have also been sold.

        In the coming week I will probably write about the oral arguments before the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals, or, in any event, what I can glean occurred from the two news reports, one in the Press-Register, and the other, and far more telling report, in the New York Times.
        Simply judging from the Times story, it would seem that the odds of Siegelman and Scrushy are considerably better now than before the hearing, at least on the majority of the charges against the pair. 
       Again..will have more on that later.

Wednesday, January 19, 2011

Another hearing for 'poster child' Siegelman

            Yesterday (Jan. 18), Siegelman sent out his second mass e-mail in a week and perhaps the 100th overall asking recipients to contribute to his legal defense fund. Up high in both he describes himself as a victim of a "Karl Rove-inspired prosecution."
            "Your activism made me the 'poster child' of selective political prosecution, shining a spotlight on the egregious wrongdoing and quest for political vengeance that had overtaken the Department of Justice under Attorney General Alberto Gonzalez -- at the behest of Karl Rove," wrote Siegelman in the first letter.
       (For more of the same, including how to give, go to There's more wild entertaining BS on that web-site than the rest of the Internet combined!)

            It is my position, as set out in my book, that Rove had nothing to do with Siegelman's prosecution and that Siegelman knows it. You can use it as a Rorschach Test: Those who believe Jill Simpson's preposterous tales linking Rove to the Siegelman prosecution are either badly misinformed (such as by the New York Times or "60 Minutes") or not playing with a full deck.
            Apparently on firmer territory are Siegelman's own lawyers. This afternoon in Jacksonville, Fla., attorneys for Siegelman and co-defendant Richard Scrushy will for the second time appear before the 11th Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals to ask that their clients' convictions be overturned. (The 11th Circuit is based in Atlanta but sometimes holds court elsewhere, including Jacksonville.)
            Karl Rove does not appear in their appeal briefs, nor, to the best of my knowledge, has he  ever been mentioned in any of the gazillion filings by the two defendants. I write this just hours before the start of oral arguments. If Siegelman's lawyers raise Rove as a reason for the 11th Circuit to overturn his conviction, I'll -- well, I'm not sure what I'll do. I don't wear a hat so I can't eat what I don't have, and I can't offer up a fortune for the same reason. A groveling apology will have to do.
            A long preamble to the business of the day: The reason for this second appearance before the 11th Circuit and why I believe that Siegelman and Scrushy will fair about as well today as they did the last time -- which is to say, not well.
            That first appearance was more than two years ago -- on December 9, 2008. The short version of this very long story (for the longer version, go two blogs down, or hit this link: is that the U.S. Supreme Court chose last year to examine what's called the "honest services" statute. All but one of the charges for which Siegelman was found guilty involved the law; and all of those against Scrushy did.
            Awhile back I did a pretty good review of the honest services situation that can be found here:
            Now that you've done all that reading, my predictions for the outcome of today's hearing:
            1. The easiest one is that we won't know the outcome until the three-judge panel issues its ruling, and that won't be today. It's impossible to know when that will be. A reasonable time frame is two to four months.
            2. The three judges on this panel are the same as considered the first appeal. Their ruling upholding the charges (an exception being two charges removed from Siegelman's ledger) was a powerfully argued defense of the jury's verdict. I simply can't see these judges backtracking on that.
            3. As noted in the previous links, the 11th Circuit is revisiting the case at the direction of the U.S. Supreme Court. In what was, really, a lucky break for Siegelman and Scrushy, the nation's highest court chose last year to take a hard look at the honest services statute. Justice Antonin Scalia, for one, pretty much hates the whole statute.
            Last year was, of course, the same year that Siegelman and Scrushy appealed the 11th Circuit's ruling.
            In June, the Supreme Court whittled away the honest services statute with its ruling on an appeal by former Enron executive Jeff Skilling. However, or so it certainly appears, other uses of the honest services statute remained standing. Among those were cases involving bribery.
            Therein lies the problem for Siegelman and Scrushy. Though the Supreme Court ordered the 11th Circuit to review the Siegelman-Scrushy convictions in light of Skilling, there doesn't appear to be anything in "Skilling" that would merit a reversal. (As a blogger, I have a right to write fast, on the fly, and even be unclear, such as now, with time constraints. apologies to those having difficulty following.)
            Deep breath....
            4. In short, I believe the 11th Circuit will tailor a ruling upholding the charges and providing the U.S. Supreme Court with a finely argued ruling explaining why "Skilling" doesn't or in any event shouldn't apply to the Siegelman case.
            5. The Supreme Court will one supposes  review the 11th Circuit's above predicted finding. I believe that the Supreme Court will in so many words simply state that, hey guys on the 11th Circuit, you did what we asked, argued it well, and you're right.
            If so, that would be game's up for Siegelman and Scrushy.
            6. At some point after that -- sooner than later is my guess -- Siegelman would be resentenced. That will be necessary because in the 11th Circuit did kill off two of the guilty charges against Siegelman that were considered in the initial sentence.
            The federal prosecutors in Montgomery and Washington who worked the Siegelman case are apparently confident that the "bribery" aspects of the honest services statute are much-alive "post-Skilling."
            Evidence of that can be found in the bingo indictment brought in early October. Eleven of the charges cite the honest services law, and at least one of those involves campaign donations. That case, like the Siegelman case, is being prosecuted by the Montgomery-based U.S. Attorneys' Office and the Justice Department's Public Integrity Section.
            It should also be noted that one of the charges against Siegelman -- the "motorcycle" or "cover-up" charge -- does not involve the honest services statute. In their brief, Siegelman's lawyers gamely attempt to convince the 11th Circuit that "Skilling" somehow has relevance to that charge, but, or so it seems to me, the attempt falls flat.

            Siegelman served about nine months of his seven-year sentence before being released on appeal. Scrushy, deemed a flight risk for actions taken prior to sentencing, was not released.
            To show how much I know, here's a prediction from the Epilogue of, "The Governor of Goat Hill." I wrote that Siegelman "will likely return to prison in late spring 2010, probably spend about five or six more years behind bars and get out, in fine health, at about age 68."
            That's already off by a year. I stand by the prediction that the counts against him will be upheld; that he will be resentenced to five or six years (instead of the original seven); get credit for his nine-months, and spend four or five years in prison.
             As for when he that will happen, I'm not even going to venture a guess.

Author talk to annual library gathering to focus on self publishing

Next Thursday (Jan. 27) I will be the speaker at the Friends of the Mobile Public Library Annual Meeting. The event will be at the West Regional branch, on Grelot Road.  As we speak, I'm putting together a talk about self-publishing, which, at least in my case, was one helluva challenge.

Below is the announcement on the library's web-page, with all the relevant information.

Come join us for our annual meeting. We'll begin with a social hour and light refreshments and then have a brief business meeting at 6 p.m. in which we will elect new officers for 2011 and vote on other matters pertinent to the FOL. All current FOL members and those who wish to join are invited to this event. Following the meeting we'll hear from our guest speaker, Eddie Curran, author of TheGovernor of Goat Hill.

Eddie Curran is author of The Governor of Goat Hill, a searing exposé of former Alabama governor Don Siegelman's corrupt administration and the hoaxing of the national media's coverage of the story. He was born in Mobile and has spent most of his life here. A graduate of St. Paul's Episcopal School and Washington & Lee University, he majored in American History and began his career at the Big Spring Herald in West Texas. He moved back to Mobile in 1988 to began what would become almost 20 years at the Press-Register. He was a sports writer until moving to news in 1994 and soon gravitated to investigative-type reporting, primarily regarding politics and the courts until 2007, when he left the newspaper to write The Governor of Goat Hill.

Mr. Curran will entertain attendees with his experiences in the pleasures and pitfalls of self-publishing and will also announce the winner of the Writing Contest for Mobile's high school students, for which the FOL provides awards.

Like last year, tickets will be issued at the door to FOL members for a post-meeting drawing for signed first editions and advance reading copies of books provided by Bienville Books. Authors include William Peter Blatty, Michael Connelly, Kim Edwards, Rohdi Hawk, River Jordan, Sharyn McCrumb, Bernadette Peters and many others.

Please RSVP to or call 432-1421 and leave a message to let us know if you will attend. Reservations are not necessary but are strongly encouraged so we may plan the refreshment budget. 

Tuesday, January 18, 2011

Siegelman, Scrushy get another shot at 11th Circuit


Here's Press-Register cartoonist J.D. Crowe's take on the reaction by Scrushy and
 Siegelman to being found guilty. Both, and especially Scrushy, had used various arguments 
and public relations ploys to curry favor with the seven black jurors. As J.D.'s cartoon 
makes abundantly clear, it didn't work.

 On Wednesday, lawyers for Don Siegelman and Richard Scrushy will appear for the second time
before the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals. Tomorrow (Tuesday) I will give my prediction of
what I believe will happen -- not Wednesday, for certainly the 11th Circuit won't rule immediately 
after the oral arguments, but when it does rule. It's anybody's guess when appeals courts rule, but
based on the last time the parties appeared, two to four months seems reasonable.
       As you may know, the U.S. Supreme Court sent the Siegelman/Scrushy case back to the 11th Circuit, and asked the court to review its prior findings on the case in light of the Supreme Court's decision in the appeal of former Enron officer Jeff Skilling. At issue -- as will be discussed in tomorrow's blog -- is the applicability of the "honest services" statute to the Scrushy-Siegelman case.         
    As a preview for that, here are two portions form the same chapter in, "The Governor of Goat Hill." The first tells about the first oral argument, and the second, about the 11th Circuit's ruling. I've put some identifiers in parentheses. I will admit to being proud of my analysis, and when this is all over -- if it ever is -- would love to ask the 3 judges to read what I wrote and hear what they have to say.

        Here, from the book:

    On December 9, 2008, the Atlanta-based 11th Circuit Court of Appeals
entertained oral arguments on Siegelman and Scrushy’s appeals of their convictions.
            Most of the reporters who covered the trial attended, as did I, having driven up
from Mobile. Why, I’m not sure, considering the expense, but I wanted to see it.
Adam Nossiter (of the New York Times) was there, Horton (Scott Horton, of Harper's) not.
            Siegelman was accompanied by his wife and two children, as well as Kenneth
“Maze” Marshall, the wheelchair bound veteran who almost never missed a day
of trial. Scrushy wasn’t permitted to leave prison for the hearing, though his wife
Leslie attended. It appeared she’d let a plastic surgeon mess with her pretty face. She
looked tougher and meaner, as if her face was uncomfortable from the stretching.
            All sides retained ringers who specialize in appellate law. Washington D.C.,
attorney Sam Heldman argued for Siegelman, and Bruce Rogow, from Miami,
for Scrushy. Alex Romano, a Justice Department lawyer who also specialized in
appellate arguments, made the government’s case.
            The defendants had to be disappointed that neither of the two judges on the
panel that ordered Siegelman released pending his appeal was on the three-judge
panel picked to decide that appeal.
            Each of the three somber, robed men was over 60, and two well over it.
All were appointed by Republican presidents -- Chief Judge J.L. Edmondson by
Ronald Reagan, and, flanking him, Judge Gerald Bard Tjoflat and Senior Judge
James C. Hill, both Ford appointees.
            The defense teams split duty. Heldman was to use Siegelman’s time to argue
that the government failed to prove the existence of an explicit quid pro quo
between Siegelman and Scrushy regarding the lottery donation and the CON
board appointment. Rogow devoted Scrushy’s allotment to making the case for
a mistrial based on juror misconduct by way of the e-mails. I was surprised that
the defendants elected to spend half their allotted time on the juror e-mails, given
how hopeless I considered this argument (as, indeed, it proved to be.)
            The judges, as Siegelman himself noted after the hearing, had done their
homework. With one notable exception they displayed considerable familiarity
with the facts of the case and the arguments made in the briefings.
            Siegelman’s lawyer went first. He was only seconds into his no quid pro quo
presentation when Edmondson, the chief judge, delivered a directive that had to
send chills through all on the defense side of the courtroom.
            “I don’t think that’s going to be your best argument today,” said Edmondson,
a lean, toothy man, and as impassive as he was authoritative.
            It is said of oral arguments that the tenor and direction of the questions is
often a poor guide to what the court is really thinking. But Edmondson’s opening
directive was just too strong to spin as anything other than bad news for Siegelman
and Scrushy. Everyone seemed to immediately recognize that, at the very least, the
chief judge had made up his mind on the bribery counts and was putting those in
the government’s column. Edmondson told the D.C. lawyer that he would be better
off spending his time arguing the two “Tim Adams” charges against Siegelman.
            Those were the counts, also in Scrushy’s guilty column, regarding HealthSouth’s
hiring of and payments to CON board member Tim Adams. There had been, as
Edmondson keenly noticed, no strong evidence tying Siegelman to that scheme.
            The apparent good news that the chief judge seemed inclined to reverse those
two counts against Siegelman was far outweighed by the implication that he
seemed sold on the bribery counts.
            One of the more discomforting colloquies for the defendants arose from an
apparent error by Judge Hill.
            Despite Edmondson’s advice, Heldman didn’t concede the quid pro quo
argument. After all, it accounted for most of the counts against both defendants.
In making that case, he belittled the import of Bailey’s question to Siegelman
-- the pivotal quote in which Bailey asked Siegelman what Scrushy was going to
want “for that.”
            That, of course, was the $500,000 to the lottery foundation, with Siegelman’s
response, according to Bailey, being, “The CON board.”
            Hill corrected Heldman. The judge said Bailey’s testimony was more
ambiguous. He told Heldman that Bailey had actually testified to asking
Siegelman, “What’s he (Scrushy) going to want?”
            The judge offered that if Bailey had added “for that” at the end of his question
to Siegelman then it would have been far stronger evidence of a quid pro quo.
Hill’s correction seemed to perplex Heldman. The lawyer surely knew that he’d
presented Bailey’s testimony correctly. Bailey’s actual testimony was: “What in the
world is he going to want for that?”
            But what was Heldman to do? Correct Hill, and in front of all, risk making
the case of a quid pro quo against his client?
            I wondered – and suppose Heldman did too – if Hill wasn’t just messing
with him to draw him into acknowledging the power of the statement against his
client. Heldman elected not to correct Hill. He reluctantly accepted the gift horse,
dead on its feet though it was.
            Whether Hill was playing clever with Heldman or mistaken as to the wording of
Bailey’s question to Siegelman – and I think the latter – Heldman, his client and the
rest of those on the defense side had to recognize the implication of Hill’s question.
Someone – his fellow judges, his law clerk -- was going to correct him, and, in all
likelihood, remove for Hill the ambiguity of Bailey’s question. (Three months later,
when the 11th Circuit issued its opinion, Bailey’s testimony – including the ending
words, “for that” – was presented accurately and, for the defendants, damningly.)
            Of the three judges, one – Tjoflat – said little. His only comment I caught
did not portend well for the defendants, or in any event, Siegelman. Heldman
was trying to explain for one of the other judges why the October 2001 meeting
between Siegelman, Bailey and their two lawyers (when Siegelman wrote the
check to Bailey for the rest of the motorcycle) did not constitute a cover-up.
            Gruffly, almost under his breath, Tjoflat muttered words to the effect that he
wasn’t buying that tale.
            The hearing lasted about 45 minutes. Out in the hall I asked Helen
Hammonds, the “blogger lady” during the trial, what she thought. Helen tended
to see things from the defense side and had good relations with Art Leach. She
shook her head and smiled. It was, she said, a bad day for Siegelman and Scrushy.
If Helen thought that, then indeed it had been.
            In a line I suppose was intended to explain to readers why the New York Times
went to the trouble of covering the hearing, Nossiter wrote that the Siegelman case
“has become Exhibit A in the claims of Democrats that the Justice Department
under President Bush was politicized.”
            If those words were true, then Nossiter and the Times had unwittingly cleared
the Bush Justice Department of being “politicized.”......

And, soon after, in the same chapter:

            On March 6, 2009, the three 11th Circuit judges issued a unanimous opinion
that kept Scrushy in prison and likely ensured Siegelman’s return. The court upheld
all six counts against Scrushy. The judges killed off the two “Tim Adams” counts
against Siegelman, but upheld the verdicts on the five remaining charges.
            The 68-page opinion was in many ways a defense of the jury system’s capacity
to weigh circumstantial evidence when considering criminal cases, and, specifically,
those involving bribery and public corruption.
            In their appeals, Siegelman and Scrushy appeared to try to convince the court
that under prevailing law, circumstantial evidence wasn’t sufficient to bring much
less convict on cases alleging bribery and extortion by public officials. They based
that argument on their interpretation of a much-cited Supreme Court ruling on
a West Virginia public corruption case called McCormick.
            The defendants declared that, according to McCormick, “only express words
of promise overheard by third parties or by means of electronic surveillance” can
satisfy the evidentiary need for proving bribery.
            Lawyers for Siegelman and Scrushy pointed out that there was no such
recorded or first-person evidence presented to the jury. And they were right. There
wasn’t. They claimed that Bailey’s testimony was the only evidence of an explicit
quid pro quo connecting the $500,000 and Siegelman’s appointment of Scrushy to
the CON Board.
            They argued that no reasonable juror could have concluded the existence of a
criminal quid pro quo from the evidence at trial.
            In its ruling, the 11th Circuit presented the defendants position, followed by:
“We disagree.”
            Then, and not for the first or last time, the three judges launched into a
vigorous defense of the right and ability of juries to weigh circumstantial evidence
in such cases.
            The judges rejected the defendants’ interpretation of McCormick, writing that
the ruling on the West Virginia case “does not impose such a stringent standard”
of evidence in quid pro quo prosecutions.
            They cited a 1992 case called Evans, decided since McCormick. In that case,
U.S. Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote a concurring opinion
declaring that there was no requirement that prosecutors present evidence of “an
agreement memorialized in writing” or even fi rst person testimony by someone
who overheard a public official agreeing to an illegal quid pro quo pact.
           Kennedy wrote that if that were the standard, then corrupt public officials
and those bribing them could “escape criminal liability through ‘knowing winks
and nods.’”
          In upholding the lottery foundation counts, the judges didn’t limit their argument
to a defense of the jury system. Th ey also extolled the abundance and persuasiveness of
the circumstantial evidence presented by the government in proving the CON Board
scheme and, for Siegelman, the motorcycle/obstruction count.
        The court was swayed by, among other things, the evidence showing the lengths
to which both defendants went to conceal the two $250,000 contributions. On
Scrushy’s side, that entailed his threat to fi re the investment banking fi rm UBS if
it didn’t contribute $250,000 to the foundation; and the eventual solution for the
money to come from Integrated Health in Maryland.
       The judges recited (HealthSouth financial officer) Mike Martin’s testimony about a conversation with Scrushy in which the boss said that for HealthSouth to “have some influence or a spot on the
CON Board,” it had to help Siegelman raise money for the lottery campaign; and that
if the company did contribute it “would be assured a seat on the CON Board.”
       The judges presented numerous portions of trial testimony, including Martin’s
statement that HealthSouth was “making a contribution . . . in exchange for a spot
on the CON Board;” and Bill McGahan’s testimony about being told by Martin
and Scrushy that UBS had to donate to the Alabama foundation.
      On several key points the 11th Circuit turned to the testimony of Darren Cline,
the fundraising consultant hired by Siegelman to work on the lottery campaign. The
court recited Cline’s memorable line that, “if the governor wanted to get something
done, then (Bailey) went ahead – blindly went ahead and did it.”
       It singled out Cline’s testimony that Siegelman “called the shots” on the
lottery campaign; that Siegelman told Cline that Scrushy arranged the $250,000
check from Integrated Health; and that Siegelman said another $250,000 would
be coming later.
       In the court’s opinion, that and more buttressed Bailey’s story that Scrushy
agreed from the start to give $500,000, as opposed to $250,000 and, later, a
separate decision to give the other $250,000. In other words, the two checks were
parts of the same whole, and that wasn’t just Bailey talking.
       The judges emphasized the testimony showing how important it was for
HealthSouth to have a seat on the CON board. Some of that came from Loree Skelton,
who, as the court remarked, testifi ed that she was “responsible for HealthSouth
political donations” but was not told about the two $250,000 payments.
       Skelton, the judges remarked, didn’t learn about the $500,000 until 2002,
and only then through the media.
       The largely un-refuted evidence showing Siegelman’s efforts to conceal the
two $250,000 donations appeared to carry considerable weight with the court.
The judges laid out the foundation’s requirement to report its donations and
expenditures to the Alabama secretary of state and its failure to abide by that
requirement until more than two years later.
       They remarked that the foundation only fi led reports because, “Alabama
newspapers questioned” the failure of the foundation and the Democratic Party
to properly report their financial activities to the Alabama secretary of state office,
prompting involvement by the attorney general’s office.
       (Not to correct the 11th Circuit, but “newspapers” should have been singular!)
        The court made it abundantly clear that bribery charges can be brought in
cases involving campaign contributions, regardless of whether a public offi cial
enjoys a personal fi nancial benefi t. Nevertheless, the 11th Circuit reminded the
defendants that there was evidence of personal benefi t in this case. Th e $730,789
loan to the foundation that was used to repay the Alabama Democratic Party was
“personally and unconditionally guaranteed by Siegelman,” the court noted.
        "There was another personal guarantor, but each was individually liable.”
       The judges reminded the defendants that “the close relationship in time
between the fi rst check and Siegelman’s appointment of Scrushy was also some
evidence of quid pro quo.”
        And then: “In sum, the evidence was sufficient such that a reasonable juror could
have concluded that Siegelman and Scrushy explicitly agreed to a corrupt quid pro
quo, thereby proving the bribery, conspiracy and the two related mail fraud counts.”
      The 11th Circuit was unmoved by the “juror misconduct” element of the appeal.
The judges agreed with the government’s argument that Fuller went to considerable
lengths to investigate what were, after all, anonymously sent e-mails.
       Nor was it swayed by Siegelman’s defense on the obstruction count. That, the
court noted, amounted to little more than an attack on the credibility of Nick
Bailey and Lanny Young, and failed to explain away the multitude of checks and
other evidence upon which the charge was based.
       The judges meticulously laid out the documentary evidence – the $9,200
from Lanny to Nick to Siegelman by way of the check to (Siegelman' wife) Lori Allen – then offered
excerpts of testimony by Bailey and Young. One regarded the meeting at the office
of Siegelman lawyer Bobby Segall, where Bailey wrote Siegelman the $2,973.35
check as the purported balance on the sale of the motorcycle.
      Government: What was going on here?
      Bailey: We made a decision to fi nalize the agreement we made regarding the
motorcycle early on, and this was to fi nish that. We met at the Governor’s attorney’s
offi ce and with my attorney, and that’s when I fi nished paying the Governor in full
for the motorcycle to carry out the plan that we had entered into probably 12 to 18
months earlier.
      Government: And what was that plan?
      Bailey: To disguise the $9,200 from Lanny to the Governor.

      The judges then eviscerated Siegelman’s obstruction appeal. They wrote that
the jury was “entitled to infer from the sham check transaction in Bailey’s lawyer’s
presence that Siegelman intended to mislead the lawyer into believing that the
transaction was legitimate, that Bailey had, indeed, purchased the motorcycle
from him, and that the check was final payment.”
        “As the ‘unwitting third party,’ the lawyer would be in a position factually to
support the cover up since Siegelman clearly knew that there was a ‘possibility’
that the federal investigators would come asking.”
      Repeat: Sham check transaction. Those are the 11th Circuit’s words, not Bailey’s
or Young’s.
      The court declared that Siegelman’s argument against the obstruction charge
mirrored those he “made against his convictions on virtually all the other counts
– that the evidence in this case was not perfect, that it relied too heavily on
circumstances and required the jury to draw inferences from those circumstances
that might have been drawn diff erently by diff erent jurors.”
      And then, this refutation of the basis of much of Siegelman’s appeal:

     "Siegelman’s contention throughout his brief that ‘there was no evidence’ to support
a particular inference too often meant merely that there was no evidence other than
Bailey or Young’s testimony,” the court wrote. “While Siegelman may not approve that
the testimony of coconspirators was suffi cient to support the jury’s findings of fact, the
jury was free to disregard or disbelieve it.
   They believed it.

Thursday, January 6, 2011

Siegelman snookers a senility-plagued Charlton Heston

Charlton Heston, campaigning for Bob Riley in one of his
 final public appearances, in September 2002 in 
Huntsville. Photo courtesy of David Azbell.

            The following is an excerpt from, "The Governor of Goat Hill," about the 2002 election between Siegelman and Riley. It provides three examples revealing Siegelman's desperation in the months preceding the vote. One involves, of all people, Charlton Heston; and another, the irrepressible Stan Pate.
        Almost every story analyzing the race broached Siegelman’s ethics
problems, as did a Phil (Associated Press reporter) Rawls’ piece two months before
the election, and which read in part:

            By most measures, Siegelman ought to be in good shape. In the past four years,
he spurred the largest school construction program in state history, replacing most of
Alabama’s portable classrooms. He pushed through the state’s biggest rural road program
ever, replacing hundreds of outdated bridges. And thousands of new auto industry jobs
have come to Alabama as Honda, Hyundai and Mercedes announced new plants or
expansions with Siegelman’s encouragement.
            But Siegelman has been damaged by an investigation of his finances and by
allegations that friends have won sweetheart deals from the state.
            Riley is focusing his campaign almost solely on Siegelman’s ethics. With the slogan
“honest change,” he tells voters that the Siegelman administration is “sinking into a
quicksand of corruption and fraud.”
            Polls taken in September and October showed the pair even, but as the
election neared, Riley began pulling away. A poll published two days before the
election suggested a comfortable Riley win, with Siegelman’s “negatives” higher
than ever. Just 30 percent picked him as the more ethical of the two.
            Siegelman’s desperation in the late going was illustrated by three seamy
affairs, the first during an address to the state Alabama Roadbuilders Association.
            According to multiple accounts, the governor’s talk quickly evolved into a tirade
against roadbuilders who’d donated to Riley through PACs.
            “I know who you are!” Siegelman bellowed, to the discomfort and shock
of those in the audience that included state and federal highway department
officials. Though he didn’t name names, the governor glared at a southwest
Alabama roadbuilder known as a Riley backer. None of the half dozen or so
people I spoke to were willing to go on the record so Siegelman’s behavior that
day went unreported.
            A September trip to Alabama by Charlton Heston produced a second example
of Siegelman’s willingness to go to any lengths to win an election.
            The Riley campaign and state Republicans had arranged for Heston to come
to Alabama and join Riley for stops throughout the state. Six weeks earlier, the
actor turned National Rifle Association bulldog announced he had Alzheimer’s. It
was obvious during his trip to Alabama that Heston was fading.
            “You expected Moses to walk in, bearing tablets,” said Azbell, the Riley
spokesman. “What you got was this elderly man, obviously infirm, who kind of
shuffled to the podium.”
            Heston had to read off cue cards, and even then, only spoke for a minute or
two at each stop. On the day’s last stop, in Huntsville, Heston told the crowd that
he “enjoyed my trip across Texas today.”
            Heston did go to Texas, but the next day. Azbell said it was his understanding
that the Lone Star trip was Heston’s last such public appearance.
            Soon after the visit, the Siegelman campaign announced that Heston, while
in Alabama, had signed a letter endorsing Siegelman for governor. This seemed
impossible, since the NRA almost never endorses Democrats, and because Heston
had, after all, traveled the state with Riley and other Republicans.
            Heston, it turned out, had fl own into Mobile the night before with his public
relations assistants. That evening, Siegelman and his wife came to Heston’s hotel
room. There, Heston signed the letter endorsing Siegelman.
            The Riley campaign and state Republican officials accused Siegelman of
taking advantage of Heston’s near-senility. However, a spokesman for Heston said
the former actor knew what he was doing. Republicans later alleged that Heston’s
P.R. people, working at the bequest of a Siegelman backer, arranged the hotel visit
and endorsement.
            Regardless of the how Siegelman managed it, his calling on the ailing Heston
during the latter’s trip to Alabama to support Riley and Republicans was a cheeky,
immature bit of political gamesmanship.
            The lowest act of the campaign came with an assist from Stan Pate, one of the
more eccentric players in Alabama politics. Pate is a wealthy Tuscaloosa real estate
developer who vaulted into the spotlight by flirting with running for governor as
an arch-conservative, tax-fighting Republican. He’s remained a player because he
spends a lot of money being one.
            He started off a Siegelman enemy, helping fund the anti-lottery campaign.
Somewhere along the way, post-lottery, Pate and Siegelman patched things up, and
in a big way. After Nick Bailey resigned from the administration in December 2001,
Pate hired him to do God knows what, and at this writing, is still his employer.
In 2007, Pate was to have some unclear role in the Jill Simpson affair, meeting
with the woman who did more than anyone to transform Siegelman into the
nation’s number one political prisoner.
            Near campaign’s end, Pate paid to produce a race-baiting ad showing a
clip from a taped meeting between Riley and a group of black Republicans.
            The producer switched from color to bad quality black-and-white to achieve a
seedy effect. A narrator said that Riley was “cutting back-room deals for African-
American support;” and that controversial Birmingham attorney Donald Watkins,
who is black, had endorsed Riley.
            The Birmingham News reported the ad and Pate’s role in producing and peddling
it. Siegelman publicly if not at all convincingly denied knowing about it.
            When TV stations refused to run the commercial, Pate tried to pawn it off on
the Libertarian Party, along with a $100,000 donation so the party could buy air
time. That effort also failed.
            This might have been it had Paul Hamrick’s boss, Joe Perkins, not gelled up a
press release and distributed the ad to the media. The Matrix Man told the AP he had
no connection with Pate, but publicized the ad because he thought it interesting.
Pate declined to respond when asked if he was working with the Siegelman
campaign. He would only say that he financed the spot because he was tired of
Riley’s “hypocritical rhetoric about backroom deals.”
            It was Alabama politics at its duplicitous, racist worst, and played by a man
who owed his every win to black voters.
            “We can’t do it without you,” Siegelman told a mostly black crowd in Selma
at the same time he was trying to scoop redneck votes away from Riley by showing
his foe conferring with blacks.
            Post-election analyses revealed that it was a heavy turnout by blacks that 
almost delivered a second term to Siegelman.

                                            Stan Pate, the wild-man of Alabama politics, a self-described
                                            Republican who supported Siegelman, hated Bob Riley, and 
                                            political ally of Milton McGregor and the latter's efforts
                                            to legalize "electronic bingo" in Alabama. This photo by
                                            the Birmingham News.

An analysis of the upcoming oral arguments before the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals, with lawyers for Siegelman and former HealthSouth CEO Richard Scrushy arguing that a recent ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court should result in the reversal of findings of guilt against the pair.